新中国成立后的民族识别与恢复是中国民族认同研究的宏观背景,以往研究多强调国家建构的外部视角,较少从民族身份赋予的合理性和正统性背后,结合外部与内部的双重视角深入挖掘各相关主体如何参与到民族身份建构的过程。文章采用实地观察、深度访谈、文献法等对务川龙潭仡佬族进行研究,发现地方政府以民族学家梳理的“濮-僚-仡佬”的族源承袭为理论依据,又以文字文本为依据发掘了濮、僚、仡佬与朱砂的关系,切合当下龙潭原住民与朱砂的生产生活,并以之建构其“仡佬族”身份。研究结果显示:“朱砂”的地方性参与了民族身份建构,且在旅游背景下地方再造的过程中,政府通过对“朱砂”的文本、祭祀、景观恢复与再造进行了对“仡佬族”身份的二次建构与强化,反映了地方政府主体对朱砂的地方性视角;但如何更好地进行地方再现,对地方文化的发展将有何影响,如何唤起族群真实的情感,官员、宗族精英、普通民众等不同的地方主体何以凝聚,值得进一步关注和思考。
Ethnic identification in PRC has attracted many researchers. However, more attention has been paid to the national construction from the discourses of the outsiders, while less to that from the discourses of the insiders (ethnic minority). According to the field work, we find that the local government constructed the ethnic identity of Longtan Gelao with the ethnologist’s theory of ‘Pu people-Lao people-Gelao people’ ethnic origin evolution. Further more, written records constructed the relationship between Gelao and cinnabar, which promoted the rationality and legitimacy of Longtan Gelao ethnic identity in Chinas ethnic minority system. Consequently, the placeness of cinnabar is a necessary factor of ethnic identity. In the context of tourism, the local government continued to construct and strengthen the ethnic identity by digging the cinnabar text, reviving sacrifice rite and the landscape, but how to improve the place reproduction, how to impact the local culture development, how to arouse the real ethnic affection, and how to enhance the cohesion of the local main bodies, the elites, and the common people, are still need to be paid more attention to and further considered.